Ptolemy pdf

These are, however, unlikely to have been among his early actions. The temples accumulated precious metals, including coinage, in their treasuries. Zervos , —, working backward from the closure of the Demanhur hoard IGCH and assuming an average annual rate of obverse die use, had already arrived at a date between and BCE and thought it likely that the Egyptian coinage in the name of Alexander began under Ptolemy.

Lorber , 48 and 61—2, similarly arrived at a date ca. A hoard containing two archaic Greek silver coins and more than sixty ingots and pieces of Hacksilber was excavated in a priestly residence at Karnak, see Masson , 32—4. In the second half of the 6th century the priests of Karnak also engaged in smelting of copper and copper alloys and in making cake ingots of copper, see Masson , 34—7.

Berlin Elephantine, records a gift to the bride of two silver deben from the treasury of Thebes. An entire class of demotic marriage contracts, beginning with P. Chicago Arsinoites, ; Chicago Hawara doc. Records of the royal bank of the Heracleopolite nome from the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes II reveal that bullion could be deposited and withdrawn like currency, see Maresch , 1d, col.

II, ll. II, l. Hawara I Eueris, ; Urk. Hawara II Eueris, ; P. Hawara XV Eueris, 93 ; Urk. The formulae sometimes omit the word for pieces. The behavior of Djedhor provided a recent pharaonic precedent for forced loans in times of military exigency, a precedent that was known to the Greeks because of the involvement of the Athenian general Chabrias. Assuming an average output of 20, tetradrachms per obverse die,37 obverse dies would have been required to coin the entire 8, talents.

It is enormously unlikely that he required contributions from the treasuries of the Egyptian temples. It is worth asking if demonetization of the owls, in addition to inhibiting military resistance by Egyptian grandees, could have contributed to the decline of aristocratic euergetism toward the temples in the early Macedonian period. The emission is unique in Ptolemaic coinage in its use of a purely Egyptian artistic motif. On the assertion of control over the temples, see Gorre , — for the early stages, Ch.

IV and V for the methods of control. Silver tetradrachm: Svoronos 6; Zervos , issue 3. Gold stater in name of Alexander the Great, Fig. Silver tetradrachm in name of Alexander Memphis, ca. Svoronos described it as the god Ammon Chnouphios, a syncretism of Amun and Khnum. Weber and, separately, K. Sheedy and B. The pairing of Amun-Ra and Zeus on the tetradrachms associated the two gods as the Egyptian and Greek sources of kingship, so as to legitimate the rule of the Macedonian dynasty in Egypt.

The obverse 41 Weber ; Sheedy and Ockinga Silver tetradrachm in name of Alexander Fig. The reverse type was an enthroned Zeus holding an eagle perched on his extended right hand. The lower part of this headdress terminates in two deep horizontal folds, occasionally ornamented with a scattering of pellets, with a knot in front from which rise two curving lines with thickened tips.

We know today, based on the later development of the type, that these folds and the knot were intended to represent the aegis, and the two curving elements were snakes, but this may not have been apparent to contemporaries. After a few further emissions a mitra or band worn around the forehead was added to these attributes. Later the folds disappeared from lower part of the elephant headdress and it was elaborated with scales so as to clarify its identity as an aegis see Fig.

The awe inspired by his funeral rites will have been enhanced by the strangeness of his attributes. As various scholars have emphasized, there were no precedents in Greek art for this kind of composite image associating diverse divine attributes 46 For the date, see Lorber , The obscurity of the symbolism renewed the power of the image to evoke a response in those who saw it.

Parallel issues were produced for several years, but ultimately Alexander replaced Herakles altogether. In itself this was not particularly innovative. Xenophon, writing in the mid-4th century, informs us that most Greek cities employed coinage that was not acceptable elsewhere.

This inference must be tempered by the fact that Ptolemy did not impose the new type on his external possessions. The mints of Sidon and Tyre continued to strike dated coinage of an Alexander type in these very years, with Tyre naming Philip III as the issuing authority. We know too little about conditions in Phoenicia at this point to hazard a guess at the rationale for the mint policies. As a practical matter, it helped to preserve his stock of silver, a concern because Egypt lacked native sources of the metal.

See also Le Rider , Introduction of the Athena Promachos type is dated ca. After his victory on the Granikos he sent panoplies of arms to Athens as a dedication to Athena. This can only allude to the biga depicted on his gold staters. Hippika AB 78 and Participation in the Panathenaia is not attested for this Lagid generation but rather dates from the early 2nd century, see Bennett , 91—3. Kuschel , 17—8. Squillace The gold staters struck in Egypt adopted the modern style. She is further distinguished from the Athena of the gold staters by her Attic helmet.

Finally, the presence of the eagle on thunderbolt seems to indicate a special relation to Ptolemy. Both aspects should be associated with the themes of Greek freedom, warfare, and victory. Squillace , — Howe I, , on the lack of evidence for a cult of Athena at Alexandria. Silver tetradrachm with inscription the Great, Corinth? The introduction of the Athena Promachos reverse type was accompanied by an epigraphic innovation.

Dixon , especially — They are known from the Chiliomodi hoard of IGCH 85 , which also contained Ptolemaic tetradrachms from Egypt and Corinthian staters, see Zervos , issues —10; Lorber forthcoming, nos. He soon reverted to the name of Alexander, either because the novel legend was not well received, or because Ptolemy decided for reasons of his own that it was premature to advertise his authority in this particular way.

The Athena Promachos reverse type appears once at Cyrene, on a silver didrachm whose obverse depicts Dionysos and names the moneyer Theupheides. But in that case the Athena Promachos type, as a symbol of Greek liberties, takes on an ironic aspect. A study by B. Emmons showed that the existing coinage was lightened by trimming two obols of silver from each tetradrachm to bring the weight from ca.

Emmons, following J. Svoronos, dated the weight reduction c. Silver tetradrachm of reduced weight overstruck , to the catastrophic defeat at the Alexandria, BCE photos courtesy of Harlan J. Berk as a reference to the Alexandria mint by Svoronos , vol. IV, col. The majority of scholars, beginning with MacDonald , , and Head , , understood the term as an adjective denoting the coin and referring either to its obverse type or to its weight standard.

II, nos. Newell and E. Robinson and continues to be repeated even now. During this period the stock of currency was increasingly diluted with reduced-weight tetradrachms.

The weight reduction was accompanied by a ban on the import of coins of full Attic weight. This policy is inferred from the fact that Attic-weight coins struck after ca. I, cols. It has been suggested, without supporting documentation, that Ptolemaic exchange did not involve exchange fees but rather the direct exchange of tetradrachms of full Attic weight for the much lighter Ptolemaic tetradrachms.

Subsequent monetary reforms, discussed below, extended the requirement for exchange to gold as well as silver and further reduced the Ptolemaic weight standard. In seeking to draw Aegean silver and gold into Egypt via international trade, Ptolemy was following established Egyptian practice. From the mid-4th century, Chalkis and the Euboean Confederacy maintained a de facto closed monetary zone based on a drachm of reduced weight. It is not easy to infer the policy concerning Attic-weight coinage already circulating in Egypt.

Bankers and money changers were probably required to surrender any Attic-weight coins that came into their possession in exchange for reduced-weight tetradrachms.

To some extent Attic- and reduced- weight tetradrachms may have circulated side-by-side, but the heavier coins tended to be sequestered in hoards; the contents of several hoards indicate that hoarders 94 IG4 , ll. The Currency Reforms and Character of Ptolemy I Soter 77 rejected the underweight coins once they learned to recognize them, and hoarded only Attic-weight tetradrachms. An elevated value of gold in relation to silver remained a hallmark of the Lagid monetary system into the 2nd century, apart from a temporary deviation under Ptolemy III.

A metallist interpretation — the claim that manipulation of monetary ratios was the fundamental motive for Ptolemaic metrological reforms — has long dominated the scholarship, even if the ratios are usually cited without reference to the prices of monetary metals on the international market. Unlike the reduction of the tetradrachm, this was not an emergency measure.

The minting of gold staters had been suspended when the weight of the tetradrachm was reduced. The reformed stater was furnished with its own distinctive types, and tight die linkage among the new staters indicates that they were produced intensively within a short period of time. The Fig. Gold stater in name of associated tetradrachms, on the other hand, are rare Ptolemy the King, Alexandria, ca.

Zervos estimated that this phase Society inv. I, , citing international values. Contra: Emmons , 81—2. He was depicted wearing his diadem below his hairline, somewhat like the Dionysian mitra, and with the aegis of Zeus tied about his neck. Alexander also wore the mitra and the aegis. Above the scene a legend names Ptolemy the King in the genitive. The genitive case was traditional for identifying the issuing authority of Greek coins, but in this case it could also be read as claiming ownership of the scene itself.

The triumphal procession and the divine attributes symbolize the epiphany of Alexander as an immortal. It was founded sometime earlier; P. Fraser suggested a foundation in BCE, but by that time Alexander no longer appeared prominently on the coinage, as we shall see. In addition foreign gold coins were now subject to mandatory currency exchange at the points of entry, increasing the income from this source. In fact the tetradrachms and staters were almost certainly struck concurrently in separate workshops.

Because the lifetime of dies for gold coinage is unknown, only the tetradrachm dies can yield a time estimate. The 26 tetradrachm dies of this phase yield a minimum estimate of 26 weeks. I, —16; , Vol. IIa, , n. Silver tetradrachm of 25 obols in name of Fig. Sixth reform: A completely new personal coinage In BCE Ptolemy entirely overhauled his coinage, changing both its types and its metrology. For the fourth time in his career he completely replaced an existing precious metal coinage with a new one.

Die links indicate that the great bulk of the new coinage was minted within two years or less. According to the version preserved by the Suda, Ptolemy was an illegitimate son of Philip II, exposed as an infant but protected and nurtured by the eagle of Zeus. Reinach , , favored an exchange rate of six tetradrachms for the gold stater and calculated a metallic ratio of 1. As in his two most recent reforms, Ptolemy adopted a lighter weight standard, so that the process of recoining once again expanded his currency supply.

His tetradrachm now weighed But we should not lose sight of another adherent of the Phoenician weight standard. Since ca. This reform introduced new denominations in precious metal, including some of notable size: the gold trichryson or triple stater, the largest gold coin of the Greek world up until that time, and the silver octadrachm.

A particularly interesting innovation was the creation of a heavy tetradrachm weighing ca. In much of the literature about Ptolemaic coinage the heavy tetradrachms are considered to be a transitional phase between the tetradrachms of ca.

Davesne noted many control links between heavy and standard tetradrachms and argued that they were contemporary. Its weight is equivalent to 25 obols instead of the normal 24 obols per tetradrachm. The Currency Reforms and Character of Ptolemy I Soter 81 The metallist interpretation emphasizes a new increase in the gold: silver ratio.

The gold stater of 7. Its weight was also not a multiple of the silver drachm of 3. This allows us to discern an evolution, and to relate some of the reforms to contemporary political or military events thanks to a more solidly grounded chronology than is found in most of the literature. However it also enhanced his personal authority by suppressing the Egyptian pattern of dispersed monetary production and claiming a minting monopoly for his administration. His second reform ca. Beginning in BCE Ptolemy adopted the daring strategy of repeated weight reductions.

The lower date places the reform in a context of crisis which very rapidly led to the assumption of kingship by Antigonos and Demetrios, then by Ptolemy.

Consequently we have to assume an ability to estimate the currency supply, implying the sort of systematic record keeping more often associated with later Ptolemaic reigns.

This is not at all implausible; the customs register preserved in the Aqihar papyrus shows that careful record keeping was not an innovation of the Lagid rulers. Numismatists tend to admire Ptolemy as an innovator, but he often adapted existing institutions. The number and size of the silver hoards lost after his abandonment of the Attic standard implies at the very least that a considerable amount of silver remained beyond the reach of the state and was in fact lost to the Egyptian economy.

A possible general explanation is that the preponderance of men among the Greek and Macedonian immigrants prevented them from marrying within the immigrant See EH I, —, — Unmarried soldiers who perished abroad in the numerous wars of the diadochic period may have contributed to the unusually high rate of hoard loss.

We must also seriously consider the possibility that this period of political and economic transition produced violent unrest in the Delta, where most of the hoards were found. Alonso Troncoso, V. Arnold-Biucchi, C. Bosch-Puche, F. Brett, A. Grimal and B. Menu eds. Buttrey, T. Hackens and R. Weiller eds. Heckel and R. Sullivan eds. Duyrat and O. Picard eds. Bonnet, A. Declercq, and I. Slobodzianck eds. Caneva and S.

Paul eds. Chauveau, M. Colburn, H. McKechnie and J. Cromwell eds. Leiden, 70— Cuvigny, H. Dahmen, K. Davesne, A. Le Rider. Dixon, M. Tritle, and P. Duyrat, F. Emmons, B. Fischer-Bovet, C. Holleran and A. Pudsey eds. Flament, C. Fraser, P. Barag ed. Gorre, G. Grimm, G. Maehler and V. Strocka eds. Akten des internationalen Symposions September in Berlin, —12, Mainz.

Head, B. Bosman ed. Jenkins, G. Kindler ed. Kleiner, G. Kroll, J. Kuschel, B. Le Rider, G. Le Rider, K. Jenkins, N. Waggoner, and U. Westermark eds. Kraay and O. Coinage, Finance, and Policy. English translation of Le Rider Asolati and G. Gorini eds. Aliquot and C. Bonnet eds. MacDonald, G. Manning, J. Harris ed. Princeton and Oxford. Maresch, K. Paderborn, Munich, Vienna, and Zurich. Masson, A. Gorre and A. Marangou eds.

Nash, D. Naster, P. Newell, E. Nicolet-Pierre, H. Waggoner eds. Noeske, H. Picard, O. Price, M. Jones and A. Zurich and London. Price, A. Burnett, and R. Bland eds. Reinach, T. Robinson, E. Leuven, Paris and Walpole. Schneider, P. Schulz, R. Sheedy, K. Squillace, G. Stewart, A. Svoronos, J. Van Alfen, P. Vargyas, P. Eldamaty and M. Trad eds. Csabai ed. Von Reden, S. Meadows and K. Shipton eds. Weber, M. Gerin, A. Geissen, and M. Amandry eds. Yardeni, A. Zervos, O. The scale and impact of the historical transformations which Ptolemy witnessed, caused, and presided over during his lifespan made him a protagonist in a momentous turning-point for the ancient Mediterranean and Near-Eastern world.

In this chapter, the focus is placed on the agency of Ptolemy I in relation to four aspects of the transition from the empire of Alexander to the Ptolemaic kingdom: 1. Ptolemy I: Politics, Religion and the Transition to Hellenistic Egypt 89 Without pretending to be exhaustive, I will deal with some aspects of these themes that have gone through an intense debate in the recent scholarship, trying to refresh the discussion by means of a cross-media and, when necessary, a cross-cultural approach.

Finally, since the analysis of the age of Ptolemy requires an evaluation of what happened before and after him, I will deal with the question of how far the reign of Ptolemy set up later developments in Ptolemaic Egypt.

Manning discusses innovation and continuity from an economic point of view. The monetary aspects of the transition are explored by Lorber in this volume. For a discussion focusing on the social composition of the Egyptian elite in this period, see Chauveau and Thiers ; Gorre a; ; this volume; Weber The increasing evidence of personal euergetism by members of the priestly elite, from the end of the great architectural programs of the XXXth dynasty down to the Ptolemaic period, lends weight to this interpretation.

As we learn from Hdt. To date, the question about the origin of the story of Alexander III and Nektanebo II must remain unanswered, due to the di culty of understanding the actual relationship between the episode of the Romance and the Greco-demotic versions of the prophetic narrative known as the Dream of Nektanebo, which tells the story of the last indigenous pharaoh being defeated by, and forced to escape from, the Persians.

Matthey b, — and , —, proposes a nuanced evaluation of the relationship between the Dream and the Romance. We must therefore work on traces. The authors interpret this detail as an attempt, on the part of the Macedonian establishment, to convey a visual message of continuity between the new foreign rulers and the Egyptian traditions placing pharaonic power under the protection of Amun-Re.

The date depends on the interpretation of the Luxor gra to of Ankhpakhered: Ladynin , —, and Bosch-Puche a, 81—82, n. However, this late date would imply that architectural activities took place at Luxor under Alexander IV, for which no evidence is preserved Chauveau and Thiers , — See Howe for the move from Memphis to Alexandria. Caneva For much of the Egyptian temple evidence, however, we do not know whether the architectural initiatives of members of the local clergy were actually backed-up by the Greco-Macedonian governors.

In some cases, especially when the architectural initiative was on a small scale, a negative answer is more convincing. A typical example is the small chapel built by Horos, priest of Amun-Re at Tentyris, whose decoration traditionally depicts Ptolemy I in the act of paying cultic homage to the local gods, whereas the accompanying text does not mention the king at all and only ascribes the initiative to Horos.

This trend was not limited to the members of the highest-ranking elite families,20 but was also exploited by agents of lower origins. Thus, during a period spanning between the XXXth dynasty down and the reign of Philip III, Djedhor, a guardian of the sacred falcon at Athribis, distinguished himself for his commitment to the restoration and maintenance of the sanctuary and for the protection of its purity, which was threatened by soldiers having set up their barracks within the sacred enclosure.

The issues caused by the dwelling of Macedonian soldiers in a sacred complex is evoked by a famous papyrus containing the order of a commander named Peukestas to respect the house of a priest, at Saqqara, under the reign of an Argead pharaoh or of Ptolemy I Turner For Ptolemaic soldiers stationing near or even inside the wall of Egyptian temples in the 2nd century Thebaid and Lower Nubia, see Dietze ; Fischer-Bovet , — All these authors stress the fact that Djedhor was a self-made man who managed to acquire his prestige and to have it religiously sanctioned merely on the base of his deeds.

For Horetep, see also Gorre a, , no. Moreover, the mediocre style of the Greek text is far from what one can expect from the dedication of a member of the Greco-Macedonian elite,28 not to mention of a king.

For a discussion of the temple, erected in the name of Alexander, see Colin ; Hirzbauer For a critical revision, cf. Ladynin Note, however, that there is no certainty about the two inscriptions having been written at the same time; the marginal position of the Greek text might rather suggest the opposite. These features jointly reveal a low-quality execution: see for instance I. Breccia 3, a small plaque from Naukratis, probably from a private altar of the ruler cult; I.

The use of deep guidelines in a Greek inscription stemming from an Egyptian milieu is paralleled by I. Even more relevant is an elegant inscription from Memphis, recently published by Bowman, Crowther and Savvopoulos , —, no. Caneva Regardless of its original function, the Bahariya bilingual inscription cannot be seen as a sign of the passage of Alexander at Bahariya. While analogy with the afore- mentioned documents allows us to interpret the hieroglyphic inscription of Horetep as a manifestation of loyalism by a priest who also wanted to increase his own prestige in the local community, the exact purpose of the Greek inscription remains unknown.

Given that, in general, non-Egyptians were not able to read these texts and in many cases agents other than priests were not even allowed to enter the inner sacred areas of temples where they were inscribed , members of the Greco-Macedonian elite could only understand their meaning thanks to the help of cultural mediators. Probably belonging to altars, these inscriptions can be dated on paleographic grounds to the reign of Alexander III in Asia — or to the government of Peukestas — In his report, the satrap or king, according to the high or low chronology of this work: see Worthington a, — apparently advocated an alternative version of the return of Alexander from Siwah to Memphis via the internal desert routes thus via Bahariya , rather than along the Cyrenaic coastline, as suggested by the other ancient historiographers: see Arr.

Bosworth , —, arguing for a mistake of Arrian misinterpreting a concise passage of Ptolemy. Two mentions of a similar dedication appear in literary works of the imperial period, pointing to a long-lasting success of the Siwah episode in the literary traditions concerning Alexander: the Alexander Romance Ps.

Vita Apoll. On the contrary, Strabo To date, we can only speculate about why Siwah soon lost the ideological relevance that the visit of Alexander had bestowed upon it. In the early Ptolemaic period, the importance of the Siwah episode is echoed by the Alexandrian demotic Ammonieus, probably created under Ptolemy I P.

I 7; BCE. Later on, however, it was only the role Siwah played in the historiographic tradition about the Macedonian conqueror which ensured the long survival of its fame in literature. Ptolemy I: Politics, Religion and the Transition to Hellenistic Egypt 95 sheds light on the processes by which the Greco-Macedonian and the Egyptian elites fashioned an anti-Persian discourse favorably portraying the Macedonian rule.

However, this theme was a novelty at the time of the Satrap stele. The text issued by the priests of Buto therefore sheds light on a religious, ideological and geopolitical laboratory whereby the respective traditions of the involved parties are scanned in search for ideological common grounds capable of promoting collaboration.

The diplomatic dynamics on which the Satrap stele sheds light would not have been possible without the presence of cultural mediators on both sides.

However, drawing a list of Egyptian collaborators of Ptolemy I is a challenge made complex by the scarcity of sources and by the di culty of evaluating the actual forms of interaction between the indigenous elites and the central power at this early stage. De Is. Caneva members who could have played a part in this process of cultural interpretation. However, the actual extent and degree of proximity by which Diodorus quotes Hekataios is debated, nowadays more than ever.

According to this text, the illustrious past of Egypt was ensured by the fact that the monarch was not allowed to act independently without being held to account,39 but rather followed the suggestions of the priests in every detail of his private and o cial life, thus ensuring that his wise and moderate government would elicit the benevolence of his subjects. Ptolemy and Sarapis: Between royal promotion and laissez-faire?

Keeping aside the unconvincing hypothesis that this process was directly patronized by Alexander,44 scholars usually assign Ptolemy I a proactive role in the process of cross-cultural synthesis that led to the rise of this new god, even though the ultimate objectives of this program escape us.

The non- Egyptian provenance of the god in a part of the Greek and Latin sources of the imperial period must be seen as a narrative device translating the process of interpretatio of the Egyptian god in geographical terms Fassa , — However, the idea that Sarapis was the poliadic god of Alexandria seems to be based on hindsight, since the epiclesis Polieus is not used for Sarapis or for Zeus Sarapis before the Roman period. These were acts of piety meant to create a positive bond with the priestly elite and thus to have the new sovereigns inscribed within the tradition of good and legitimate Egyptian rulers.

Caneva While this assumption may be to a certain extent correct, much of its success seems to depend on the authority of the ancient aetiological narratives transmitted by Tacitus and Plutarch, which give Ptolemy I the protagonist role.

The age of the Nektanebids strengthened the link between the cult of Osiris-Apis and pharaonic kingship in Memphis at a dual level: 1 through the royal commitment to the building program of the Saqqara Serapeum, and 2 through the introduction of priests of the statue cult of the Nektanebids especially of Nektanebo II. While traces of this cult have been found in various locations in Egypt, the concentration of the evidence and the longer duration of the cult in Memphis down to the end of the 3rd century: see De Meulenaere ; Gorre b could be explained as a consequence of the particular importance of the architectural program of the dynasty in this area.

Concerning the medical characterization of the god, see Diog. Oneirocritika 2. Renberg , Ptolemy I: Politics, Religion and the Transition to Hellenistic Egypt 99 documentation from Saqqara, where the religious participation of the Greeks reveals a high degree of continuity with the local traditions of the pre-Macedonian period. The text is usually dated to the reign of Ptolemy I because of the absence of the patronymic accompanying the name of later kings. For the Greek documents, see Nachtergael SEG 49 — on the gra ti written on the sphinxes of the Serapeum dromos; Renberg , —, provides an extensive discussion of the Greek and demotic evidence concerning incubation rituals at Saqqara.

Two other inscriptions I. Because neither text preserves a royal dedicatory formula, the proposed date ca. All of these testify to major initiatives concerning the establishment of Serapea in Alexandria I.

II , Serapeum built under the direction of the same Apollonios, near an already existing Iseum ; cf. Sabottka , 66, who sees this interpretation as purely speculative. A more fruitful path to reassess the role of Ptolemy I is to view it within the broader framework of the success of Osiriac cults in the Memphite and western Delta areas in the transitional period between the XXXth dynasty and the consolidation of the Macedonian rule over Egypt.

The question is therefore how Ptolemy I and his court positioned themselves in relation to this proto-Hellenistic, Greco- Egyptian Delta koine. Devauchelle and provide the preliminary results of a study of the cult of Apis in Egypt, with focus on the relationship between the sacred bull of Memphis and the cult of Osiris at Saqqara in the 1st millennium BCE. The cult of Apis remained substantially untouched during the Hellenistic period, whereas bilingual texts point to Osiris as the Egyptian counterpart of the Hellenistic god Sarapis.

However, Devauchelle seems to go too far when he concludes that Apis did not play any role in the interpretation of Sarapis: cf. Another factor of continuity between the late-dynastic and the early-Ptolemaic periods is provided by the cult of Isis at Naukratis, for which see Legras , 99— Lloyd, The Times Literary Supplement. Ptolemy Edited and translated by G. Toomer Foreword by Owen Gingerich. Illus: figures 38 tables More.

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